A book review from the print edition of The New American:
Comrade Obama Unmasked: Marxist Mole in the White House, by Cliff Kincaid, Michael Hichborn, Alex Newman, Joel Gilbert, Arne Steinberg, Martin Arostegui, James Simpson, and Trevor Loudon (Foreword), Owling, Md.: America’s Survival, Inc., 2017, 212 pages, paperback.
“Putin’s puppet!” scream leftists who want us to believe, without evidence, that Vladimir Putin put Donald Trump in the White House. “Russia-gate” is another refrain echoed by the Left. In actuality, those who believe that President Trump should be impeached because of his alleged treasonous ties to Russia surely must view the charge as far more serious and scandalous than Watergate. After all, in the case of the Watergate scandal, disgraced President Richard Nixon was not accused of operating on behalf of a foreign power. But in the case of the alleged Trump scandal, President Trump is.
The book that’s the subject of this review — Comrade Obama Unmasked: Marxist Mole in the White House — is of course about Obama, not Trump. Those who want to read about the dubious accusations of Russian collusion against the current occupant in the White House will need to look elsewhere. But those who want to learn about the genuine Russia-gate scandal involving Trump’s immediate predecessor will not be disappointed delving into this book.
Cliff Kincaid, president of America’s Survival, Inc., the publisher of Comrade Obama Unmasked, is quoted on the cover saying: “The smoking gun evidence of Barack Hussein Obama’s deep personal relationship with suspected Soviet espionage agent and Communist Party member Frank Marshall Davis is the real Russia-gate scandal.” But the scope of the book is by no means limited to the Obama-Davis relationship; also included is other information that makes credible the book title’s appellation of “Comrade” to Obama, as well as the assertion in the subtitle that Obama was a “Marxist mole in the White House.” The book does not go so far as to assert that “Comrade Obama” was an actual member of the Communist Party, but it does not discount that possibility either. In fact, in the Foreword, anti-communist investigator and filmmaker Trevor Loudon goes so far as to call Obama a “covert communist.” “When you see something, you have to say something,” Loudon concludes. “That may be dangerous, but saying nothing is deadly.”
Altogether, eight authors have something to say in this book. In addition to Loudon, there is also Kincaid, the principal writer and editor, who wrote the introduction, which summarizes key points made elsewhere in the book by other contributors, as well as the chapter “Corruption, Communism, and the FBI.”
In a short review, it is not possible to adequately summarize and do justice to what each of the contributors has to say, chapter by chapter. But one chapter I would like to draw particular attention to is “Obama’s Revolutionary Model.” That chapter is written by Alex Newman, a name well familiar to readers of The New American because of his many contributions to this magazine. It is also one of the more interesting chapters in the book.
Newman asserts that Obama’s inspiration for getting into politics happened in 1980 when he spoke at an anti-apartheid rally at Occidental College. “I was inspired by what was taking place in South Africa,” Obama recalled more than three decades later.
Obama wrote the Foreword to Nelson Mandela’s 2011 book Conversations With Myself. Newman noted, “Obama did not mention the barbaric terrorism and the widespread slaughter of men, women and children — black, white, and colored — being perpetrated across South Africa by the Soviet-backed revolutionaries he was supporting in college.”
This article appears in the December 4, 2017, issue of The New American. To download the issue and continue reading this story, or to subscribe, click here.
Newman quotes Obama’s explanation of how Mandela played “a key role” in inspiring him to become active in politics: “To so many of us, he was more than just a man — he was a symbol of the struggle for justice, equality, and dignity in South Africa and around the globe.”
It should be noted that, to the revolutionary Marxist, “the struggle for justice” is the struggle for “revolutionary Marxism.” Obama’s portrayal of Mandela as simply a crusader for equal rights for all, though widely believed, clashes with reality. As Newman makes abundantly clear, Mandela’s actual struggle was for the spread of revolutionary Marxism — Mandela was a member of the central committee of the South African Communist Party (SACP). Mandela even wrote a document entitled “How to be a Good Communist.”
Mandela was the president of South Africa from 1994-99, and died in 2013, but since Mandela took over the government of South Africa, the once prosperous nation has degenerated economically under him and his Marxist successors. Close to one-half million South Africans have been murdered (the murder rate more than doubled after the African National Congress took control, and even before that time many murders were committed by ANC terrorists), and it is estimated that one-fourth of the women in the country have suffered rape. Mandela is dead now but, Newman writes, the Marxist government that succeeded him has incited a genocide against whites in the country. Not surprisingly, one-fourth of South African whites have fled the country, and more would leave if they had the financial resources to do so.
“That is Mandela’s legacy,” Newman writes toward the end of his chapter. Yet the man responsible for that legacy (Mandela) is lauded by Obama as a symbol of justice.
But could Obama be “forgiven” for characterizing communist Mandela that way? Could he be that naïve? To draw that conclusion would be to say that Obama knew nothing, or almost nothing, about his subject matter when he contributed the Foreword to Mandela’s Conversations With Myself. Mandela’s actual membership on the central committee of the SACP may not have been made public until after his death, but Mandela’s embracement of communism and the communist-dominated ANC was very much out in the open.
Newman argues that what has happened in South Africa “offers a grim preview of what Americans and Europeans can expect if the forces represented by Obama succeed in continuing their policies — open borders, multiculturalism, central planning, Big Government, racial hatred, lawless government, ignoring the Constitution, class warfare, anti-Christian bigotry, and so on. If nothing else, South Africa and Mandela should serve as powerful motivators for Americans to take their country back — and to do it quickly, before it is too late.”
Obama’s affinity for Marxism sheds light on his actions, including his admiration for Mandela. But why did Obama develop a sympathy for Marxism to begin with? Unlike many young people who adopt socialist/Marxist ideology after leaving home to attend a leftist college or university, Obama’s introduction to Marxism goes back even further — to his growing-up years when he had a close relationship with Communist Party member Frank Marshall Davis, according to Joel Gilbert in the chapter “The Mystery Man” (meaning Davis).
The chapter is the transcript of an interview Kincaid conducted with Gilbert, who directed the film Dreams From My Real Father. Both the interview and the film offer the explanation that Davis — not Barack Hussein Obama, Sr., the Kenyan — was the main influence leading the young Obama to a Marxist worldview. But Gilbert says much more than that; he argues that Davis — not Barack Obama, Sr. — is Obama’s biological father. According to Gilbert, Obama’s mother, Ann Dunham, had an affair with Davis, and a “sham marriage” was arranged with the student Barack Obama, Sr. to cover up the affair.
Both the interview and the film present evidence supporting the assertion that Davis is the real father. Gilbert makes a credible case, albeit more convincingly in his film, where he had more time to develop his case, than in the interview in the book. Many readers may conclude that Gilbert has fallen short of proving that Davis is Obama’s biological father — while at the same time concluding that Gilbert could actually be right. Be that as it may, Davis clearly influenced Obama more than Obama, Sr., whom the young Obama barely knew.
Gilbert notes that in Obama’s autobiography, Dreams From My Father, Obama talks a lot about someone named “Frank.” The “book is as much about Frank Marshall Davis as it is about the Kenyan Obama,” Gilbert says.
“Davis became the ideological mentor” of Obama. Davis was a poet and a writer, penning papers promoting socialized medicine and favoring legalization of undocumented immigrants. “Frank Marshall Davis radicalized Barack Obama,” argues Gilbert.
Which brings us back to Obama’s “inspiration” by the communist Mandela at Occidental College. Before Obama went to Occidental, Davis spent the better part of eight years with him, introducing him to readings by Malcolm X “and all these radicals, including Angela Davis.”
This explains why Obama wrote, “I went to Occidental College at age 18 to study with Marxist professors.” He had already done his “preparatory” work with Davis — at least that is the thesis of Joel Gilbert and this book.
There is much more in the book, including the final chapter on “The Resistance” by James Simpson, who takes a hard look at the Obama Foundation and what we can expect from Obama’s post-presidency — efforts to continue to agitate for a fundamental transformation of the country.
All in all, this book is a quick, interesting read, full of important information, and — despite its grim thesis — presented in a lively and entertaining manner.