Watching the television pundits fret over campaign finance is amusing, because the solution to their problem is right under their noses. They just don’t want to see it.
As long as government has the power to sell privileges, people will spend big bucks to influence elections. The wealthy and well connected will always have better access to government than regular people.
As the kites in Ocean City, New Jersey, became airborne, protesters on the boardwalk waved American flags and told the pro-wind crowd to go fly a kite while unfurling banners with slogans such as “Global Wind Power, Another Wacko Idea.”
Politicians seem to have a special fondness for words that have two very different meanings, so we are likely to hear a lot of these kinds of words this election year.
"Access" is one of those words. Politicians seem to be forever coming to the rescue of people who have been denied "access" to credit, college or whatever.
But what does that mean, concretely?
Obama's activities at this past weekend's "Gay Pride" parades in cities such as New York, Chicago, and San Francisco, prove again that the Democrats are no longer the party of the common man. They are now the party of the uncommon man.
This year the nefarious goings-on included an invasion by hordes of Barack Obama campaign staffers, who zealously plied the fertile recruiting grounds that are the parades. In fact, writes the New York Times, “The parades could have been confused for Obama campaign rallies. In Chicago on Sunday, 300 of his campaign staff members and volunteers marched down Halsted Street through the heart of the gay district to chants of ‘Four more years! Four more years!’"
Last July, Barack Obama told his favorite Hispanic group, the National Council of La Raza, that he knew “some people want me to bypass Congress and change the laws on my own.” He admitted that the idea was “very tempting.” Then he added, “But that’s not how — that’s not how our system works.”
But Obama apparently thinks the system works that way now. A few days ago, his administration issued a new immigration policy similar to the DREAM that he could not get through Congress.
Since this is an election year, we can expect to hear a lot of words — and the meaning of those words is not always clear. So it may be helpful to have a glossary of political terms.
Such political terms include "fairness," "racism," "compassion," "mean-spirited," "greedy," and "the hungry." What do politicians means by these terms? Why are these terms so useful politically?
What is education all about? In my view, the purpose of education is to pass on to the next generation the knowledge, wisdom, and moral values of the present generation. Knowledge includes history, geography, science, economics, mathematics, etc. Wisdom entails reading the Bible, which is the Judeo-Christian source of what is wise and truthful. Moral values are based on belief in God and His Ten Commandments. Practically none of this is taught in the atheist public schools.
So it is left to Christian homeschoolers and private schools to carry forth our Judeo-Christian civilization.
Learning how to restore our constitutional Republic should be the central object of any homeschool curriculum.
In the years since his return to Russia in 1994 and especially since his death in 2008, the literary legacy of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn has been an uncertain thing — at least in the English-speaking world. On the one hand, the work which he considered to be his magnum opus, the Red Wheel series of historical works chronicling the history of the Bolshevik revolution, has apparently ground to a halt: only the first two "knots" have been published in an English edition, and it seems unlikely at present that the rest of the work will be so published for the foreseeable future. However, established works such as the Gulag Archipelago, One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich, and The First Circle have continued to draw interest, and even new, improved translations.
The most recent addition to Solzhenitsyn’s English literary legacy is a collection of experimental short stories entitled Apricot Jam and Other Stories. The volume has been met with mixed reviews — an unsurprising development, given the experimental character of the stories in question. Some readers may come to a new collection of stories by a Nobel-Prize-winning author imagining that they knew in advance what they would find, only to discover that even in his later years, that author had not given up his willingness to experiment with new forms.