The European Union and climate alarmists are apparently getting nervous. When the Polish people went to the polls late last month, a victory for the center-right (by European standards) Law and Justice Party, which is skeptical of the EU, policies related to global-warming alarmism, and open borders, already looked relatively certain. By the time the votes were counted, though, it was clear that the socially conservative party with affinities for government intervention in the economy had absolutely dominated the election. It now holds the presidency and both houses of Parliament. How much will change, though, remains unclear.
The electoral drubbing was so spectacular that Polish left-wing parties were completely and totally crushed. As the online Daily Caller put it in its headline about the election, “Poland’s Parliament Has Literally Zero Liberals Now.” According to the report, the conservative landslide means that for the first time since World War II, parties on the Left — the greens, social democrats, and others — are now completely out of the picture. Indeed, the United Left coalition failed to qualify for a single seat in Parliament because it did not receive the required eight percent of the vote. It is also the first time in Poland's recent history that there have been no open communists in the legislature.
Final results, announced about two weeks ago, showed Law and Justice, known by its acronym PiS in Polish, crushed its opposition. For the first time since 1989, one party secured an absolute majority in Parliament, with Law and Justice winning 37.6 percent of the vote and 235 out of 460 seats, or 51 percent, in the lower house of Parliament known as the Sejm. The party also secured a strong majority in the Senate, where PiS holds 61 out of 100 seats. In second place came the socially conservative but pro-EU Civic Platform (PO), now deposed from power, with 24 percent of the vote. Three smaller fellow conservative parties also secured seats in Parliament.
What exactly the electoral victory for Law and Justice means for the EU and ambitions among “eurocrats” for ever greater power remains unclear. While the party tempered its past “euro-skepticism” ahead of the election, it also made clear that Poland would not be joining the controversial single euro currency anytime soon — probably for generations — and certainly not without a referendum to secure the public's consent. Law and Justice has also been outspoken in opposing a federal EU regime, something that top EU bosses have been demanding openly for years, despite decades of earlier denials.
The last time PiS led the Polish government, about a decade ago, it was hesitant to approve the Lisbon treaty empowering an EU super-state. Eventually, though, it caved and ratified the deeply controversial deal. At the time, Law and Justice also successfully blocked talks with the Kremlin on forming an EU-Moscow “partnership.” Several years after that, a deeply suspicious plane crash over Russian territory killed most of Poland's top government leadership, including key PiS chiefs. The current party leader, Jaroslaw Kaczynski, has argued that the deaths were a “murder.” His brother, the president at the time, died on the plane. Kremlin-backed media outlets were highly critical of the latest election results.
Party insiders have offered some hints about PiS's plans as far as relations with the EU go. “It may not be to the liking of everyone when you pursue your interests,” Law and Justice foreign-policy expert Witold Waszczykowski, who served as deputy foreign minister, was quoted as saying. “But the EU is not an altruists' club.” He was referring to PiS pledges to be more assertive within the EU by, for example, refusing to surrender more power to the emerging super-state, refusing to accept open-borders for refugees to be settled in Poland, and more.
Waszczykowski also suggested a possible alliance with U.K. Prime Minister David Cameron, who promised British people a vote on EU secession but who is trying desperately to keep the United Kingdom under Brussels' control by supposedly offering a “compromise” in which the EU would purportedly stop trying to usurp more power. “Clearly there are things we share with Cameron, mainly this push for a less bureaucratic, more cost-effective EU that does not seek deeper political integration,” Waszczykowski explained.
According to an analysis posted by Reuters, “Diplomats in Brussels are worried that EU decision-making may soon be obstructed by a returning member of the awkward squad.” That would be Poland, of course. “With a more assertive Poland, the 28-member bloc will have a harder time dealing with Europe's largest refugee crisis since World War Two, negotiating a global deal on climate change and forging a united stance towards a resurgent Russia in the east,” the piece continued. The Reuters commentary falsely claimed that despite the party's stance, “Experts agree Warsaw has no choice but to transition from dependency on coal towards renewable sources of energy.”
Reuters' false claims attributed to unnamed “experts” notwithstanding, it is unclear what the Polish election may signify for the globalist, EU-backed effort to foist a United Nations “climate” regime on humanity next month — especially considering Polish reliance on coal for energy and economic growth. For now, Polish party leaders have said that Poland will continue to rely on coal for energy and economic security, something that has reportedly infuriated EU bosses demanding a government-mandated “transition” to taxpayer-subsidized “clean” (but unreliable and uneconomic) energy sources such as wind.
Separately, the new Polish government has promised to stand firm against the fast-expanding refugee crisis, sparking outrage among open-border zealots across the bloc. For instance, PiS slammed the outgoing government for its decision to accept between 5,000 and 7,000 Middle Eastern and African refugees — less than arrived in tiny Sweden last week. Law and Justice has also lambasted the EU for concocting anti-democratic plans to resettle massive numbers of refugees all across the bloc and usurp more power over immigration policy from member states.
Analysts widely credited the party's historic electoral success to widespread public concerns about the escalating influx of refugees. Despite being inaccurately described by some left-wing media outlets as “right-wing” or even “far right,” PiS also backed a higher minimum wage, earlier retirement, more welfare payments, and a stronger state to deal with corruption. It called for a stronger relationship with the U.S. government and NATO to guard against Russia, too.
Of course, as in the United States or any other country, the reality of political developments is not always what is presented to the public in establishment-controlled media outlets. And in Poland, which was betrayed by the globalist U.S. establishment after World War II and handed over to suffer under generations of communist slavery, that holds true as well. Among other concerns, consider that Law and Justice, like Poland's other dominant party, Civic Platform, both have their roots in the “Solidarity” federation of trade unions, which is broadly credited with having brought down communist tyranny in Poland in 1989.
But not everybody is convinced by the narrative. One prominent voice that has cast doubt on the prevailing view of Solidarity as anti-communist savior is Soviet KGB defector Anatoliy Golitsyn, who worked in communist disinformation and deception operations. After defecting to the West, Golitsyn warned of a long-range strategy being pursued by the international communist conspiracy involving phony “liberalization” in Eastern Europe and a bogus collapse of the Soviet Union. Virtually all of his predictions have come to pass, according to experts who have analyzed the issue.
In his 1984 book New Lies for Old, Golitsyn argued that the partial communist “suppression” of Solidarity in the early 1980s was in fact part of the deception — an effort to dupe the West into believing that the alliance represented genuine opposition. Eventually, according to Golitsyn, “it may be expected that a coalition government will be formed, comprising representatives of the communist, of a revived Solidarity movement, and of the church,” he wrote. “A few so-called liberals might also be included.” On the creation of a coalition government with those components, Golitsyn's prediction proved correct.
Later developments also seem to have vindicated much of Golitsyn's warnings. In 1989, for example, Solidarity leader Lech Walesa offered alarming comments in an interview with Soviet publication New Times. “Let power remain in the hands of the Communists,” he was quoted as saying, “but let it be different. Let it serve the people better, respect the law and be accountable to society. We are prepared to cooperate constructively with such authorities.” More recently, former Soviet dictator Mikhail Gorbachev, speaking in London in 2001, approvingly referred to the EU as the “new European Soviet.”
And indeed, numerous Soviet-era communist criminals, who were never punished after the ostensible collapse of communism, are firmly embedded all throughout the EU's architecture to this day. More than a few critics of the EU have pointed out that fact in highly public comments. It is true, though, that the current PiS leadership includes a number of Polish anti-communist heroes whose commitment to keeping tyranny and terror at bay is not in question.
All across Europe in recent years, anti-EU parties have been dominating elections. Concerns over mass immigration have also brought formerly minor parties opposed to open borders into the mainstream throughout much of the bloc, and in many cases those parties are now in government. But whether Poland's recent election truly represents a blow to the globalist establishment and its various agendas — massive immigration, a global “climate” regime to regulate CO2, regionalization on the road to true “global governance,” increasing centralization of coercive power, and more — remains to be seen.